March 23, 2017

Mahabharat Continues: Pandvas are euphoric, Kauravas delirious

March 11, 2017 will go down in the history of democratic India as an epoch marking day. It is on this eventful day that the results of  elections for  Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur were declared (See Reference 1). The voting for elections for these five states had been carried out in a number of phases over  a long span of 34 days starting 4th February, 2017 and ending 9th March, 2017.

In order to appreciate the import of these results, it is necessary to review the performance of various contenders in the subject elections vis-a-vis their performance in the the previous elections. To facilitate this exercise, the results of elections from  2002 to 2017 have been tabulated below. The tables show the number of seats won by the main players in the various election years.

    1. Uttar Pradesh:

Party
2002
2007
2012
2017
BJP
88
51
47
312
SP
143
97
224
47
BSP
98
206
80
19
INC
25
22
28
7

  • In the elections before 2017, BJP had been kept at bay by the chakravyuha of  casteist and 'secular' politics constructed by BSP and SP, jointly and severally. BJP was virtually banished to wilderness as it was not able to find an 'Arjuna' who knew the art and craft of penetrating that formation. 
  • But in the campaign for 2017 elections, Modi and Amit Shah appear to have been able to decode the intrigue.They seem to have struck a chord with the people of Uttar Pradesh and were successful in exhorting them to rise and speak in one voice against the sacrifice of development and good governance at the altar of populism and politics of appeasement.
  • In 2017, the people of Uttar Pradesh have obliged Modi, Shah and BJP. They have spoken very decisively. They have inflicted a double whammy on  INC, SP and BSP. On the one hand, they handed these parties their worst drubbing at the hustings, on the other hand they gave BJP an unprecedented and even unexpectedly huge mandate.

      2. Uttarakhand:

Party
2002
2007
2012
2017
BJP
19
34
31
57
INC
36
21
32
11
Others
15
15
3
7
  • The elections of 2007 had afforded BJP a taste of the power of ruling Uttarakhand. However, in 2012, BJP had to cede the ground to INC by the thinnest of margins. In midterm in 2016, it made an attempt to capitalize on the fissure in INC where in 9 MLAs revolted against the incumbent Chief Minister. In the queer legislative imbroglio that ensued, the central government clamped President's rule. This rule proved short-lived and lasted only about 45 days (27th March to 12th May, 2016). The disqualification of 9 MLAs did not help matters for BJP. INC rule was restored.
  • In 2017, very much like their UP counterparts, the people of Uttarakhand have also made INC to make an inglorious exit. They have inflicted a very heavy defeat on INC and vehemently rejected the incumbent government. They gave BJP an unassailable and unprecedented majority-80% of the seats.

    3. Manipur:

Party
2002
2007
2012
2017
INC
20
30
42
28
BJP
4
0
0
21
Others
36
30
18


  • Hitherto, North East was virtually a no-no for BJP in spite of its debut in 2002. But BJP's stock is rising very fast in North East too. It wrested Assam from INC just a while ago.
  • In 2017, BJP has outdone itself in Manipur. Though it won fewer seats than INC, it was able to garner support from non-INC parties and was able to form a government. BJP-led government is now firmly in the saddle having comfortably sailed through the floor test in the assembly to prove its majority

    4. Goa:  

Party
2002
2007
2012
2017
BJP
17
14
21
13
INC
16
16
9
17
Others
7
10
10
10
  • The results of subject elections of 2017 had initially spelt  doom for BJP  It had recorded its worst performance in Goa till date. The alliance partners had gone their separate ways; Manohar Parrikar was out of the scene having gone to Delhi to do national duty as Defence Minster. The people of Goa showed their unhappiness with the incumbent Parrikar-less BJP dispensation with the result that the incumbent Chief Minister and a number of ministers suffered defeat.
  • But BJP exhibited remarkable resilience. It rose like phoenix and acted with speed of light. It sought and managed to secure support from not only from its erstwhile ally MGP but also from GFP. With the letters of support in its hand, BJP leapt forward to lay its claim to form the government. It has since successfully passed the floor test too. INC has been left sulking and licking its wounds. Some INC heads may roll. 

    5. Punjab:

Party
2002
2007
2012
2017
SAD +BJP
44
67
58
18
INC
62
44
46
77
Others
11
6
3
22
  • BJP was well nigh aware that very much like the people of Uttar Pradesh, the people of Punjab will also speak and speak loudly and clearly against the hegemonic rule of Badals. In spite of the knowledge that alliance with SAD in Punjab will be deleterious to its interests, BJP did not sever its ties with SAD. What gives here, will need further exploration and elaboration. However, that at a later date.
At the end of it all, in summing up the election results, it comes as no surprise that Pandavas ( BJP) is euphoric and  Kauravas (INC, SP and BSP ) are delirious.

Some of the reactions of the losers and their sympathizers are outrageously ridiculous. Mayawati has gone to the extent of saying that every Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) used in UP elections was rigged. According to her, each machine was so programmed that irrespective of what button was pressed, every vote got cast in favour of BJP. (See Reference 2). According to her EVM just means 'Everyone Voted Modi'. 

Immediately after seeing the results, even I, who is  politically naive, had remarked that the losers will term EVM as "Every Vote for Modi" device. The irony of the situation is that people who pretend to be the guardians of democracy, protectors of secularism and epitomes of honesty have joined the chorus. The perpetual cry-baby Arvind Kejriwal and king-jester Laloo Yadav are not the ones to miss any opportunity of BJP-bashing. They conveniently forget that the same EVMs helped them comprehensively defeat Modi in Delhi and Bihar. I wonder at the Indian electronic media which is ever ready to rake up or invent controversy after controversy to keep up their viewership and promote and perpetuate leftist agenda against the (rightist) BJP

Another shameless statement came from Digvijay Singh, the Raja-turned-serf who frequently goes over-board in denigrating Modi and BJP  to ostentate his loyalty to Sonia and Rahul Gandhi. This INC General Secretary had the audacity to declare publicly on all electronic media that if he had money at his disposal, he would have been able to buy enough legislators to ensure formation of INC government in Goa. I wonder why Election Commission should not take suo moto notice of this statement and initiate legal action against him.

INC and other opponents of BJP and Modi raised a lot of hue and cry against the actions of Governors of Goa and Manipur but to no avail as the petitions drafted by legal luminaries of INC including the likes of Abhishek Manu Singhvi  were dismissed by Supreme Court.

While INC, SP, BSP and others are still smarting from  injury caused by results of elections and the insult inflicted by the repulsion of their legal offensives, BJP has gone ahead and appointed Yogi Adityanath as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. Not only the opponents of Modi, BJP and RSS are aghast, but also many a  saffron partisan are flummoxed by this move.

The first though that came to my mind was that Yogi Adityanath is being  perceived as the latter day Abhimanyu who has the in-born natural talent to raid and penetrate the chakravyuh. Perhaps it is believed that this modern Abhimanyu possesses the temperament like the original but unlike him has time on his side to learn and augment his half-knowledge to make it complete and thus metamorphose into Arjuna in  due course.

Immediately, the second thought that replaced the first one was that this appointment of Yogi Adityanath was equivalent to the deployment of 'Ghatotkach' ( see Reference 3) in Mahabharat. In physical appearance, Yogi Adityanath  may look like a micro version of the fabled warrior but he may as well be able to conjure up latent powers to expand and enlarge at will. He is certainly capable of breathing fire which can roast his adversaries alive.  Where are the Kauravas going to find the 'Vasvi Shakti or Amoghastra' to thwart and neutralize him?

Yogi's likeness or lack of it to Abhimanyu or Ghatotkach being immaterial, by appointing Yogi Adityanath as Chief Minister of UP, BJP has undoubtedly blown its conch for the next battle. The action is deliberately designed to  terrorise and demoralize the opponents. They will be kept  on tenterhooks and will be hard pressed to hurry up to reset their strategies and plans. The action also gives BJP's own army a reason  to remain battle ready and fighting fit.

Mahabharat continues. We shall wait till the result of the next battle to find out who will be euphoric and who will be delirious. 


References:
1. http://www.eciresults.nic.in/
2. http://www.timesnow.tv/state-elections-2017/video/mayawati-blames-tampering-of-evms-for-bsps-poor-performance/57390
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghatotkacha

March 8, 2017

Mahabharta Continues---

The defeat of BJP in electoral battles, first in Delhi & Bihar and subsequently in Bengal, coupled with the loss of its court battles in defence of the imposition of President's rule in Uttrakhand and Arunachal Pradesh, had given hope to the adversaries of BJP that they had finally hit upon a formula to nail the BJP down and to prevent it from coming to power at the centre in 2019. But undoubtedly, their celebrations were  premature. BJP bounced back with a resounding victory in Assam, hitherto relatively uncharted territory for it. The events in Arunachal Pradesh also took turn in favour of the BJP when Pema Khandu deserted Indian National Congress(INC) to join Peoples' Party of Arunachal and chose to join hands with BJP to form a new government. These events have given BJP a new lease of life and have reinvigorated it in its fight against its detractors. Mahabharata has resumed and it continues......

I had started writing this piece of blog before the dates of elections in UP, Punjab, Goa, Uttrakhand and municipalities and zila parishads in Maharashtra were announced. A lot has happened since then; a lot of water has flowed in the Sutlej, Yamuna, Ganga, Gomti and Godavari.

  • INC has since abandoned its grand plans of fighting the elections on its own. It has effectively thrown in the towel and has accepted to ride pillion on the carrier of Akhilesh's Samajwadi Bicycle. 
  • The divorce between BJP and Shiv Sena for fighting municipal elections in Maharashtra turned out to be quite ugly and acrimonious. BJP came up trumps in most of the municipal elections. Even in Mumbai, its performance was by far the best though it could not overtake Shiv Sena. On the other hand, the decimation of INC continues unabated. 
  • The stage-managed fight between Akhilesh and Mulayam for keeping the 'Bicycle' makes another story, which may be narrated on some other occasion.
Since I am in a hurry to finish this piece before the results of the assembly elections are announced, the fact that it may seem anachronistic not withstanding, I resume this piece from where I had left it, taking it like a flash back.

Here goes---
The bugle for the next all important battle has been sounded. The coming elections in Uttar Pradesh have driven all political parties including BJP, SP, BSP and INC into a frenzy. The frenetic scramble for organizing and reorganizing the armies, the deployment of armament, fine tuning of the strategies and action plans for this battle have started in dead earnest. The stakes in this battle are very very high for both BJP and its opponents.

The electoral history of Uttar Pradesh from 1989 onwards makes a very curious reading (See Reference 1 below). INC which had ruled the state up to that year, is no longer a force to reckon with. However, the realization seems to have dawned on its leaders that the elections in UP may well nigh be the last opportunity for them to redeem a modicum of its past glory. Accordingly, INC is ostensibly trying to put up a brave front. It has perhaps come to the conclusion that a failure in these elections will be the last nail in its coffin; official declaration of the failure would be tantamount to sounding of the death knell.

BSP and its supremo Mayavati have had flirtatious relations with SP and BJP from 1993 onwards. ( See Reference 2 Below)

During the period 1995-2003, Mayavati was crowned Chief Minister three times, though for a short period each time as given below.
i) 1995 : 137 days ( 3rd June 1995 to 18th October 1995)
ii) 1997: 184 Days 21st March 1997 to 20th September 1997
iii) 2002-03: 1 Year 118 Days 3 May 2002 to 29 August 2003


But the 2007 elections gave BSP and Mayavati a clear and unassailable majority and unfettered power to rule. This success was achieved through a very clever and strange coalition of Dalits, Muslims and Brahmins. BSP was able to wean the Muslims away from SP and poach the Brahmins from BJP.

Each stint of Mayavati's rule, irrespective of its length, was marked by corruption, arbitrariness and whimsicality in governance. Some people do credit her with economic growth of the state during her fourth term. It is claimed that during that period, UP economy grew by a substantial 7%.


In 2012, Mayavati's hopes of riding on the back of the claims of economic growth and returning to power for a second term were dashed and she was made to bite the dust by her arch rivals, the Yadav clan. The analysts attribute her defeat to a common irony of history. She had to reap what she had sown. She had been instrumental in deepening the social divide and widening the chasm prevalent in the society due to caste and religion. Because of her preoccupation with perpetration of these fissiparous tendencies, governance had become a casualty. The nemesis in the garb of anti-incumbency caught up with her.


Samajwadi party and its founder Mulayam Singh Yadav have also had a checkered history of rule in UP. Like Mayavati, he also has the dubious distinction of being coronated CM of UP thrice.


1. Mulayam Singh Yadav first became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1989. In November 1990, Yadav joined Janata Dal (Socialist) party of Chandra Shekhar. He was facilitated by INC to continue as chief minister. His government was felled by Congress In April 1991 in reaction to the aftermath of developments at the centre, wherein the Congress party withdrew support to government.

In April 1991, Congress party withdrew its support, culminating in the fall of Mulayam Singh's government and end of his first stint as CM of Uttar Pradesh.
In the mid-term elections to Uttar Pradesh assembly, which were held in mid-1991,  Mulayam's party lost power to the BJP.


2. In 1992, Mulayam founded his own Samajwadi Party (Socialist Party). In 1993, he cobbled an alliance with BSP to prevent BJP from returning to power and temporarily succeeded in his machinations. He became chief minister of Uttar Pradesh with the support of Congress and Janata Dal. He continued occupying the CM's chair until BSP pulled the rug from under his feet.


3. S
trangely, Mulayam's third stint as chief minister came about  courtesy BJP. On August 25, 2003,  BJP pulled out of its coalition with BSP resulting in the fall of Mayavati government. Simultaneously, a large enough number of BSP legislators revolted against Mayavati and deserted BSP. With the support of independents and small parties, Mulayam was able to become Chief Minister in September 2003 and continued in office till the elections in 2007 again did him in.

Samajwadi party regained control of UP with a resounding victory in 2012. The credit for this victory was given to the dynamic leadership of Akhilesh who has been hailed as a GenNext Yadav and a youth icon. Accordingly, Mulayam bowed out and handed over the baton to Akhilesh.


There are alleged similarities between BSP and SP rules. The anti-incumbency factor is at work again.


Perhaps Mulayam, Akhilesh and their advisers in Samajwadi party have also realized the 
ground reality that anti-incumbency has gained currency. They have taken recourse to the formula implemented by INC in Delhi. According to some knowledgeable analysts, when INC realized that people of Delhi would reject Sheela Dikshit-led INC in assembly elections, it devised a plan to hoodwink them. It created Aam Aadmi Party(AAP) as ostensibly-corruption-free anti-dote to BJP The ruse worked in Delhi. Aam Aadmi party was able to thwart BJP. This came about more of because of error of judgment on the part of BJP rather than due to any merit of AAP.

As per the adaption of the formula by SP, Akhilesh has projected himself as a victim of the machinations of his uncle Shivpal Yadav who is alleged to have manipulated his brother, Mulayam, the party patron. But it seems that secretly all stakeholders of SP, nurture hopes that people of UP would be beguiled by this and would vote in sympathy for Akhilesh, the innocent and unwary victim.

Immediately following the defeats in Delhi and Bihar, Modi and BJP must have come to realize that their return to power in 2019 was entirely dependent upon the advent or absence of a single entity - the stitching of a grand alliance between the opponents of Modi and BJP. Therefore, it simply follows that Modi had to come up with something that would either inhibit the formation of the grand alliance or would be something so extraordinary that people of India would forget the alliance even if it came into existence and would root for him instead. 


And come up he did and how--

  • The first thing that was done was the 'surgical strike' against the terrorist camps and hideouts along the LOC and inside POK. (see Reference 3 below) It was hailed and viewed as an extra-ordinarily courageous step taken by a clear minded, strong, upbeat and forthright government which would no longer take things lying down. The action not only surprised the Pakistan army, Pakistan government and Pakistan-backed terrorists, it overwhelmingly surprised the opponents of Modi and his party and government. While it caught the imagination of the whole of India, the perpetual cry-babies including Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal and others of their ilk got thoroughly confused. To start with they appreciated the action per se and the army for taking it, then did a somersault and started asking for proof. Even a child would understand the intention behind their see-saw behaviour and  flip-flop attitude.
  • The second thing was like obliteration bombing on the enemies' stockpiles of 'armament'. It is no secret that elections in India are fought like wars albeit with money serving as the arms and ammunition. A party which spends more money is more likely to win. And it is also equally well known that the money used for funding the elections is black money: illegally acquired and unaccounted money. Modi's announcement of 8th November, 2016 whereby currency notes of denominations of Rs.1000 and Rs.500 were rendered 'illegal' tender, has been widely and helplessly viewed by the opposition parties as a tactical move for disarming them and rendering their ammunition as useless. A lot of hue and cry was raised by Mamta Bannerji, Arvind Kejriwal, Rahul Gandhi and the left parties and others including internationally renowned economists. Manmohan Singh went to the extent of calling the move as " A Case of Organized loot and legalized Plunder". However, the move had its intended effect. The formation of a grand alliance was put on the back burner; instead each antagonist went scurrying to take care of his / her stockpile.
A lot of brouhaha was made by the opponents of Modi and BJP in the fond hope that demonetization would adversely affect the BJP's performance in the various elections that are in the offing.

Returning to the present---


The voting in Punjab, Goa, Uttrakhand, first phase in Manipur and six phases in UP has already been completed. The voting for final phases in Manipur and UP is taking place on 8th March, 2017. The results on 11th March, 2017 will likely be a weather cock for the battle of 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

Mahabharata continues and is sure to continue till 2019 and may be beyond too.

References:
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_Uttar_Pradesh
2. https://revisitingindia.com/2013/07/09/the-rise-and-life-of-mayawati/
3.http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/army-conducted-surgical-strikes-on-terror-launch-pads-on-loc-significant-casualties-caused-dgmo/articleshow/54579855.cms
















February 3, 2016

Airlift : Misplaced Jingoism

I happened to see the film “Airlift” and was aghast at the way the writers have taken liberties with portraying the Foreign Minister and members of the Indian Foreign Service who were in deployment at the time of the occurrence of the event viz. Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (aka Iraq-Kuwait war) in August 1990. The promos of the film claim it to be based on a ‘Real Event’ but the depiction is a horrible mutilation of the facts.

The Indian ambassador in Iraq at the time of the event has been shown as a helpless good-for-nothing fellow. However, the fact is that I vividly remember the newspapers of the day showering accolades on Kamal Bakshi, the then ambassador in Iraq for deftly handling the very tough situation.

Kamal Bakshi had come in praise from I.K.Gujral, the then foreign minister. In his autobiography entitled “Matters of Discretion”, Gujral has written that “Ambassador Kamal Bakshi, who was coping extremely well with the situation, told me that there were about 500 persons who had yet to be evacuated but the requisitioned six buses from Amman had not turned up.”

The following excerpts from some reports available on the net also speak highly of Kamal Bakshi.


"Mr. Fabian, who was the Joint Secretary, Gulf division of the MEA, at the time of the first Gulf War, has commented on the film saying: “A lot of the viewers of the film were born after the incident. They need to be educated on their genuine inheritance and history from the First Gulf War. For example, the Ambassador of India in Kuwait, Kamal Bakshi, was portrayed in a very poor light. In reality, Ambassador Bakshi accommodated hundreds of Indians in the embassy and in several other buildings.

Mr. Fabian said the film even showed Air India pilots in a demeaning manner. The Air India did a great job, he said."

"Nirupama Rao, former ambassador of India to the United States of America, has stated, in a series of tweets, that the makers of the film didn't do enough research on the role external affairs ministry played. She said she has no issues with fiction till the time makers don't make a "biased" and "ludicrous" projection of the government's role.

She also pointed out how competent India's Ambassador to Baghdad  Kamal Bakshi, foreign minister IK Gujral and India's Ambassador to Kuwait in 1990-91 were, and how they all worked to ensure safety of suffering Indians in Kuwait."

Many people will pardon the writers, producers and director of the film with the excuse that artistic liberties can be taken when the sole objective is entertainment. Though I do not personally agree with this line of thought, I would dismiss the lapses as act of arrogance and ignorance.

When I saw "Airlift", I got reminded of “Hotel Rwanda” a very fine, sensible and sensitive Hollywood movie which is also based on similar real events. The following two paragraphs taken from Wikipedia describe the development of the plot of “Hotel Rwanda”

"Hotel Rwanda is set in 1994 during the Rwandan Genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 people, mainly Tutsi, were killed by Hutu extremists. During that year, Rwanda's population of seven million was composed of two major groups: Hutu (approximately 85%), and Tutsi (14%). In the early 1990s, Hutu extremists within Rwanda's political elite blamed the entire Tutsi minority population for the country's economic and political problems. Tutsi civilians were also accused of supporting a Tutsi-dominated rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front.

On April 6, 1994, a plane carrying President Juvénal Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down. Following that incident, the genocide began. Hutu extremists belonging to the Interahamwe militia launched plans to destroy the entire Tutsi civilian population. Tutsi and people suspected of being Tutsi were killed in their homes and as they tried to flee the country. Hotelier Paul Rusesabagina of the Belgian owned luxury Hôtel des Mille Collines, used his power and influence to personally save both Tutsi and Hutu refugees. Rusesabagina regularly bribed Rwandan Hutu soldiers and kept militias outside the hotel's property during the hundred days of killing. Following the carnage, Rusesabagina survived along with his wife, four children, two adopted nieces; as well as most of the refugees he sheltered."

I felt that some characters and scenes shown in "Airlift" have just been lifted from “Hotel Rwanda”.
  • The character of Major Khalaf Bin Zayd seems to be ‘inspired’ by General Bizimungu of "Hotel Rwanda". Particularly notable is the similarity of both accepting and enjoying being offered scotch whiskey as a bribe.
  • Even, the development of the character of Ranjit  seems to be based on the character of Paul, the protagonist of "Hotel Rwanda". At the beginning, Paul is far more anxious to protect his family than he is to protect his neighbours. But as the film progresses his sense of obligation to his neighbours and his countrymen deepens. Indeed, rather than abandon the refugees he has taken under his shelter, he sends his family to safety while he himself stays behind. 
  • The uniforms of the drivers Dube in "Hotel Rawanda" and Nair in "Airlift" are of the same colour.
  • The pep talk given by Amrita to Ranjit in "Airlift" is similar to the morale booster talk given to Paul by his wife Titania in "Hotel Rwanda"
I must admit that one character in  "Airlift" has no equivalent in “Hotel Rwanda”.  It seems to be totally original and lifted from life. This is the character of George Kutty. I am unfortunate to have met a very similar character in life: a most selfish, conceited, demanding and greedy fellow who did nothing for anybody but always wanted to extract something from whoever he met. When he got what he wanted, he complained about one thing or the other like bad quality, lesser quantity, inauspicious timing, inordinate delay and if nothing else the intention of the giver.

I do not know whether actor Prakash Belawadi had also met this person because he looked very competent enacting that character. He almost lived him.

I have a very strong feeling that the writers of "Airlift" took the story line from "Hotel Rwanda" and adapted it to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. In the process of showing the equivalent of deserting Kuwaiti Royal Family, the helplessness of UN Peace-keeping force and the apathy of the US, UK, France, Belgium and other white governments, they have conveniently turned “ Indian Foreign Service” and the bureaucracy into a scapegoat.  Perhaps, the makers of the film were supremely confident that not only they would be tolerated and would, therefore, escape unscathed, but  also that they would find enough supporters and would laugh all the way to the bank or wherever else they stash their cash.


Some Indians do enjoy masochism and some others indulge their sadistic pleasures!!!


References
1.  IK Gujral on Kamal Bakshi 

2. Nirupama Rao on “Airlift”

3. KP Fabian on “Airlift”
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/airlift-spreads-misinformation-says-kp-fabian/article8169027.ece

4. Development of plot of “ Hotel Rwanda”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hotel_Rwanda

February 1, 2016

The Latter Day Breast Beaters


I have stated on earlier occasions  that when I see something, some situation or some person, I get reminded of another thing, another situation or another person. This curse continues unabated and I am unable to help it.

Recently a very unfortunate and perhaps entirely avoidable death occurred at Hyderbad University. I am referring to the suicide committed by Rohith Vemula, a PhD aspirant who was ousted from the hostel at the university. This death has been making headlines in all kinds of media, particularly the electronic media. It is likely to continue till another more sensational news comes by for which the current dispensation at the center can be blamed.

Like it does in any mishap, where the main victim or the sufferer is from a socially disadvantaged class or a known left sympathizer, the electronic media in this case too has afforded tremendous opportunity to Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi, who are quick to arraign RSS, BJP and Narendra Modi. Both these worthies made it a point to rush to Hyderabad (not together) to be seen by the side of the victim’s mother and his colleagues. And both of them vented their steam in their by now well known if stereo-type style.

For a politically disoriented and naive person like me, it is quite understandable that Rahul Gandhi should appear on any such occasion. Perhaps he has no other responsibility or occupation and may be he is feeling afraid that absence from public view will hasten his fading into oblivion. But what is beyond comprehension for me, is Kejriwal’s personal appearance in Hyderabad along with his retinue. He is the Chief Minister of Delhi and the governance of Delhi should be his full time responsibility. Nobody stops him from expressing his sympathy for the wronged ones but why can he not do the same from Delhi itself. And I wonder whether any audit would raise queries about who pays for the expenses incurred on travel and other incidentals by him and his entourage. I am also not able to reconcile with his dichotomous outbursts against arrangements for his security, when his random forays must be causing huge stresses on the security system.

When I see Rahul Gandhi and Kejriwal indulging their wonts on any unfortunate incident, ostensibly to show sympathy for the unfortunate victims but with the real intent to decry Modi, BJP and RSS and to label them as embodiment of evil, I get reminded of Amrit Bai, a resident of my mohalla in Punjab. Amrit Bai was the exponent of a very special art called Siyapa.


Siyapa is a funeral custom which was very common in Punjab in the earlier days. I witnessed the same on several occasions during my childhood. By the time I attained boyhood, the tradition had become less prevalent though not extinct as such.

Prakash Tandon has described the art of mourning and the Siyapa very vividly in his book ‘Punjabi Century’. I am reproducing that description here as such.

“If engagements and weddings were complex and prolonged, so were funerals and mourning. If we enjoyed long and heartily at weddings, we paid back dearly at mourning.  Punjabis never did anything in half measures, especially our women with whom mourning had become an art and a test of both skill and stamina. Often the grief was borne with great courage but the spirit and flesh broke down under the strain of mourning.  The original symbol rich ritual had become mixed with some ugly mourning customs.

The women seemed to find in death some physical and mental catharsis. They cried, they wailed, they beat their breasts in rhyme and rhythm. They did it to traditional pattern with improvisations. They would sit in a group with their faces covered with their mantles holding one end of it, the pala which gave this form of mourning its name. With the pala they dabbed their eyes and blew their noses as they cried in a song. The leader improvised the dirge as she went along and others followed. To express their sympathy, each would in turn come up to the bereaved, put her hands on her shoulder and cry in an intimate language and tone, occasionally hugging her. As further evidence of her sympathy, she would blow her nose often and profusely into the pala of her mantle. They never gave relief to the poor woman already in distress.

The most gruesome aspect of all was the siyapa, which used to scare us children. The women would form a mourning squad in the deohri and one of them, the most experienced of them all, who had perhaps led a number of deaths would lead the siyapa. She would select the squad and would then stand in the middle with the rest twenty five or more in several rings around her. They would all bare their breasts and gird up their garments to bare their thighs and at a word from her, begin to beat their breasts, their cheeks, their foreheads and thighs rhythmically in that order, keeping time with mourning song sung in a quick tempo. The leader generally sang the song that she had improvised at the death of her husband or son, others followed her. While directing the siyapa she kept a stern eye on the performers and sent any one who could not keep pace or made an awkward movement. The woman turned out would sit crestfallen with the others on the floor and join the pala. The noise of beaten flesh and quick song with an occasional fainting made the whole thing so horrible ----.”
‘Mera Pind’ a book by Giani Gurditt Singh also gives a very detailed description of the mourning process and the importance given by the women to the same.

He writes

“The women make best use of two occasions for venting out their feelings to their hearts’ contents.

One of the occasions is, when they are able to find some excuse for indulging in a war of words with some rival female acquaintance and the second is to go for mourning or condoling some one’s death. If the dead happens to be an old man, then the women have a field day. All kinds of spectacles are organized.
----
Some women impart more importance to the opportunity for joining in the mourning than they do for attending a marriage.”
 ----
Any lady who is asked to participate in the mourning, feels obliged and proceeds to do so without a hitch barely hiding her glee.”
----
 On the way to the mourning, the women form small groups and happily indulge in backbiting on their daughters-in-law, neighbour and any relation or acquaintance, with whom they would like to settle some score”


I used to have mixed reactions when I witnessed Siyapa. I would find it horrifying and hilarious at the same time. I would see that the women performing the Siyapa were very eager to do so. They considered it as an opportunity to showcase their histrionics talents and they relished their own performances. One moment they would be conversing in conspiratorial whispers recounting all unpleasant things, factual and fictional, relating to the departed soul and the bereaved family and the next moment they would switch to wailing and mourning and extolling all virtues, more fictional than factual, ascribed to the departed one. It had become a hobby with me and some of my contemporaries to judge the performances and rate them as actors. Amrit Bai was adjudged the best and won the ‘award’ on a number of occasions.

I have tried finding out where and how the ritual of Siyapa originated, but my research is yet incomplete and inconclusive. I think that Siyapa owes its origin to Matam or Matam-Dari / Sina Zannee (chest beating), a ritual practiced by Shia Muslims through which they express their grief as part of Azadari, the process of mourning and lamentation to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. I have always felt that a lot of customs and rituals followed by Hindu and Sikhs in Punjab were also practised by Muslims. In Punjab, these communities have wielded considerable social influences on one and another.

When I see Rahul Gandhi and Kejriwal and their respective acolytes lament about everything that Modi and BJP do or do not do, I get reminded not only of the non-professional and hobbyists Siyapa artistes like Amrit Bai but also of Rudalis, the professional mourners of Rajasthan. I remember that Dimple Kapadia gave a sterling performance in the film ‘Rudali’.

I am peeved to observe that some electronic media channels and some particular anchors constantly indulge in a kind of Siyapa, in the most brazenly sickening manner. 

I do not know when good sense will prevail upon all these latter day breast beaters and when this horrible practice will stop. 

I wish, hope and pray that it happens soon.


References